The revival of contemporary political philosophy and Marxist political philosophy paper to write the traditional

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[Abstract] revival of political philosophy, the academic significance of the reconstruction of philosophy and reality of public life, and its practical significance lies in analyzing and responding to the era of globalization increasingly complex and challenging social and political issues. Contemporary Western political philosophy of liberalism in general is still only showdown with the conservatism of the contest, and intends to abandon the Marxist tradition of political philosophy or so marginalized in fact, as history has its own raison d'etre of the Marxist tradition of political philosophy, not only for the developed western capitalism and its social and cultural general issues, but also for non-Western, and living situation of vulnerable groups, are an irreplaceable sense of critical analysis of liberalism and conservatism, critical analysis, but also need to introduce Marxist political philosophy emphasized by Marxist political philosophy class analysis methods and theory of human liberation and its position is still present era of social and political life of the basic theme.

[Keywords] revival of Marxist political philosophy, political philosophy, liberalism neo-conservatism

Since the 1970s, with the Rolls <<Theory of Justice>> available, the main trend of the philosophy of the rapid shift from the language of analytic philosophy and political philosophy, while the United States and the global situation, the political winds change, but also makes the conservative political philosophy go on the front. Thus, neo-liberalism and neo-conservative political philosophy of the two contest duel, occupy center stage in contemporary philosophy, different philosophical traditions or schools are also committed to developing and interpretation of its own resources and content of political philosophy, political philosophy, gradually into a school of even the "first philosophy." However, the revival of political philosophy in the contemporary context, it was found in the modern history for an important impact on the tradition of Marxist political philosophy, or just for a single person in the academic style vested in the interpretation of liberal political philosophy, either to make a simple interpretation of positivism was the general community as a doctrine was attributable to conservative political philosophy, or simply sent to the various radical and over-emotional and deliberately sidelined folk. In fact, if the integrated study of contemporary and historic rise of political philosophy and the nature and relevance of this historical era, not only the introduction of Marxist political philosophy, tradition, and the need to strengthen it - the traditional presence in the contemporary significance of this also means, to the Marxist tradition of political philosophy to make a reasonable sense of deep and rich era promote and interpretation.
A matter of fact, philosophy has always been concerned about the politics based on the concept of community and life-world distinction between the sensitive and profound, philosophy, always contains a very rich content of political philosophy. Changes to the pre-Socratic Socrates, but from the natural area to the public and political spheres of life changes. Socrates philosophy from heaven to the earth, it is important in the fact that his early years out of that worldly and always in the emotional state of mind, which really rational thinking, such as city-state, the system of public life problems. Plato indulging in "the concept of" the construction of the world, in fact, to solve the complex package of troubles "views" the affairs of the field - the field of politics is precisely such a philosopher's ideal always implies a certain political ideal of life, Thus, we note that the traditional philosophy of domination of political life for Aristotle directly to the ideals expressed in political life: people are political animals. Here, not so much the complexity of human nature as it is political complexity. Modern philosophy appears to be a pure philosophy of knowledge on the part of the era, however, it is precisely in this era of modern Europe to the basic framework for the formation of political life We are familiar with most of the modern theory of knowledge philosophers such as Bacon, Descartes, Spinoza, Locke, Leibniz, Hume, etc., with their knowledge on the construction of social and political life of between rational construction In fact, there is an inherent association. Thus, the modern philosophers, political philosophy, epistemology separated from their practice, there is a serious problem and only the theory of knowledge of modern philosophers have sufficient grasp of political philosophy, we can see their knowledge may be on the exploration and construction of meaning, otherwise it will dwarf its theory of knowledge and its corresponding philosophy, such as, reflection to see the French materialist philosophy of the Enlightenment with its great value in people's feeling quite asymmetric in respect of French materialism, materialism is intuitive typical mechanical materialism is a certain homogeneity, and physical nature of the reductive way of thinking, and their enlightenment is oriented modern democracy in Europe ideals in life. of enormous historical significance of this idea and its interpretation and to undertake, in fact, than the so-called intuitive materialism. By and large, from the rationality of natural science to explain the departure of French materialism, can not directly deep its social and political aspects of life, and thus difficult to deep essence of their thoughts.

Of course, with modern European philosophy, epistemology, political philosophy there is a distinction between true. Hume's problem of the generation has its own reasons, but the so-called "should" not so much a problem of everyday life, it is more political life. Hume's agnosticism is only common sense out of life, intuitive and started life on a rational criticism in this, we see, from the Western philosophical tradition since Plato tried to philosophy to construct the failure of secular political ideals of life , at least, people's daily life is not merely intellectual methods of natural science will be able to build up. The key lies in daily life itself is still under the value of the world, but mainly to say or been set political life ought to be provided. Kant's philosophical starting point is how to get rid of empiricism, the end result so much anthropology, it is more historical and political philosophy, is the Historical Critique of the problem. " what is man, "of course is the last question, the question is often seen as the experience of anthropology, but in terms of Kant depends on how people actually show up in history, this is the" common state "issue, so , can be interpreted in the fate of Kant's philosophy: man is not only ethical problem can be solved within the framework of, and need to further enhance the framework of political philosophy, which is generally the possibility of the State and its history. Different from modern epistemology, philosophy and German rationalism of classical philosophy and is committed to roll out within the framework of political philosophy, but this way, politics itself becomes an abstract problem. How to establish universal a priori concept of the state, thus giving and civil society to provide a universal explanation, it is an important goal of Hegel's philosophy, but also a critique of Marx to the abstract concept of state and political outlook. Marx's critique of political philosophy, on the one hand to overcome the German classical philosophy of idealism sight on the other hand, as the theory behind, in the framework of Western political philosophy, contemporary political philosophy is the modern revival of the opportunity.

About the revival of political philosophy, the need for a linguistic turn of philosophy evaluation of the achievements of contemporary philosophy of language is the need to acknowledge the fact that in the established philosophical tradition, there are two main philosophical paradigm: the ontological philosophy and epistemology, philosophy (philosophical sense). But there are ontological argument and interpretation of the philosophy of self, its still has an original domain of the rich, and also from a formal point of view, or closed (narcissistic). Epistemology is the main object of the result, the core is the main object of the world for understanding schema. It really means a kind of split to reflect the main object of the object world, the main object is the result of differentiation (split type), but this is itself the subject is still the same the subject in this, we see that there is actually a theory of epistemology, philosophy further confirmation, but the main difference for the world and the boundaries of the world itself, but it is traditional philosophy can not grasp. epistemology, philosophy established, only without difference of subjectivity, the boundaries of the world, is based on a intellectual alternative to the existence of the limit of infinite nature. the linguistic turn of contemporary philosophy to let people see clearly, the issue is not the subject of understanding how it is possible, but The problem is how to express the world, that the language problem, so there is neither the subject of philosophy, nor consciousness, but the language is the language of the philosophy of analysis and interpretation from Frege, Jose

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Seoul began, especially in Heidegger, Wittgenstein and Russell, the most famous of these contemporary philosophers there, it became clear that the language of contemporary philosophy turned to school.

People generally believe that the shift of political philosophy after the linguistic turn things but, but, in contemporary language, between philosophy and political philosophy, there is some kind of an academic break in this regard, I prefer to believe that such an analysis : Compared with the traditional philosophy, contemporary philosophy is undergoing a paradigm include, object, content and methods, including the full range of transformation as well as changes in different aspects of these changes and the interaction between the highly connected overlay, therefore, from the contemporary philosophical concerns many dimensions, issues and factors, can perceive the changes in contemporary philosophy as a whole. In fact, many of today's academic rendering "to", the perspective is from a different perspective of contemporary philosophy, the results of change, unite "to" the but in fact between the "family resemblance." philosophy of language and the same is true between political philosophy. Language analysis and elaboration, not only has empirical meaning or semantic, linguistic turn is not just for linguistic problems, but rather suggests that people concerned about human beings, expressing the human world and the people of the associated special existence Language is typical of existence, therefore, the analysis of language or knowledge to serve the people, serve the people there, the one on the relationship between man and the world of abstract and conceptual expression into a relatively independent, there is a certain sign of new forms of expression-dependent, that is language. The key is to find the language is only a beginning, it is important to explore how the language into its own language, that language usage the problem. Pragmatic different semantics, it is involved is a specific relationship between language and the world, is presented in this specific relationship between language and the specific relationship that is more direct power relations, political relations in this sense, the philosophy of language itself contains a political philosophy (and political philosophy, philosophy of language has carried the analysis of intelligence and insight.) sooner or later period of Wittgenstein's philosophy of change to illustrate this point. Victoria's early images say, actually asked to use the object of replacing the traditional language of metaphysics, political philosophy is the rejection of political philosophy requires that the political utopia of direct invasion of the specific political structures, we can see, the early philosophy of language is actually serve a structured political system, but this is perfect artificial language can be guaranteed? can ensure that the structure of the political system without any problems? can be confident that the political structure and political life of their own self-consistency? early Wittgenstein the philosophy of artificial language quite confident, confident of institutionalized political structures are not metaphysical concept of political intrusion, but ten years later, through game theory and the discovery of forms of life, Wittgenstein uproot the artificial language theory, and believe The existence of a more decisive everyday language where philosophical significance of the political implication is that Victoria's more willing to believe the complexity of political life itself, or believe in political life and the complexities associated with everyday life itself. decided change in the philosophy of Wittgenstein , was the life-world concept to take root, while this shift is late with Husserl and Heidegger is very clear on the life of the world's attention and consciousness inseparable. life-world problem, a more direct to exist in a philosophical theory of change in the presentation of the contemporary. can safely say that the revival of contemporary political philosophy, contemporary philosophy of life is the whole world turn to the results of the form, and life in the world is still turning on the basis of ontological change to be understood. contemporary political activities began its own way of life of human attention, from a system of formal demarcation of different types of life and culture of fact, analysis of the concern of philosophers of language, it should be subordinated to a new political philosophy and intent - essentially to say that they are trying to make human life possible institutional distinction. This is Foucault's genealogy efforts, and other post-modern philosophers have become very clear. Post-modern philosophers have been dissatisfied with the philosophy of language in such a banner in the next adventure, and want to discuss the language directly from the power relations. In other words, they study the language, in fact, directly subordinated to explore their power, and where possible, their demands for direct expression of power. Breakthrough in the philosophy of language shell, political philosophy, and finally a mark.

The rise of political philosophy, philosophy of language is indeed a backwash. Contemporary philosophy of language was too cumbersome into the concept of logical analysis and game, this College of the situation is obviously too aroused the dissatisfaction of many philosophers, particularly among the liberal political philosophy, the traditional philosopher's dissatisfaction in this context, Rawls <<Theory of Justice>> The publication caused great repercussions in the field of ethics, Rawls realized from ethics or meta-analysis of Moore Ethics changes to normative ethics (such is the philosophy that from the analysis of a shift to the political philosophy justification). Habermas even that: "In the recent history of practical philosophy, Rawls <<Theory of Justice>> marks a turning point in the axis style, has long been suppressed because he will restore the ethics of the study to a serious philosophical position. "Age of Enlightenment political philosophy, the philosopher is a strong voice, before and after a number of outstanding political theory of philosophers such as Machiavelli, Rousseau, Montesquieu, Diderot, Locke, etc., but is generally a liberal tradition, but since then, political philosophy is indeed relatively quiet in the tradition of German classical philosophy, politics and completely subordinate to the moral philosophy of logic problems, and the interpretation of such problems is usually through economics, sociology, law and psychology and other empirical disciplines completed. a sense, phenomenology and analytical philosophy of language, the rise is to further knowledge in the context of the modern extension of the philosophy of consciousness, which further restricts the space of liberal political philosophy, .20 In the 1970s, the rise of political philosophy in the United States, the United States does with a range of social and political issues, while with the "Cold War" ended, the era of globalization and restructuring of the world system of politics, culture and environment of the highly complex and challenging, the accumulation of a variety of contemporary issues, whether liberal or conservative tradition tradition is particularly the market.

Modern liberal tradition of political philosophy, the rise and fall with the rise of Marxism is associated together.
From the source point of view, liberalism associated with the Sophists of ancient Greece, Democritus an Epicurus and early Stoic doctrine, but the concept of the liberal mainstream, it is in modern times, after the Enlightenment, especially in the asset class from the edge of the third grade as a leap to the mainstream of society after the class the traditional liberal emphasis on the major economic level of people's political freedom, it corresponds to an earlier state of capitalist society, where cultural and values, diversity is a potential demand, and directly subordinated to economic individualism, but the modern capitalist society itself has been basically completed from the early capitalist private ownership to the state's political structure, socialization, and organization The peak change in the political structure of capitalism, but also from region to complete a preliminary to the capitalist transformation of global capitalism, which is more liberal emphasis on state intervention in economic and cultural values ​​of pluralism.
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Modern liberal political philosophy changes, with the involvement of Marxist criticism has a direct relationship the times of Marx, is the sharp conflicts of early capitalism and the intensification of the era. Marx's basic contradiction of capitalism is private ownership and capitalism the contradiction between socialized production reveals, has rejected the traditional liberalism of the pre-economic liberalization. Marxist critique of capitalist values, but also rejected the values ​​of individualism, mainly as Marx's individualism and the political power structure The abstract concept of the collapse of support system, through the analysis of capitalist critique of alienated labor to start the Critique of Political Economy, revealed support for the traditional liberal capitalist structure. On this basis, Marx made a proletarian revolutionary theory that capitalism will inevitably take place in a revolutionary change in Marx's early especially for the social contradictions of capitalism, as Socrates of ancient Greek democracy, criticism is not to lead to a certain historical negation of democracy as the key issue is not the assertion of Marx's diagnosis and whether capitalism in the West to become a reality within the system In fact, Marx's diagnosis is a crisis of capitalist post the effective treatment of prescription and forcing capitalism thorough structural reforms Links to free download http://eng.hi138.com
leather, through Marx to indicate the kind of intense, with a social revolution and destroy the effectiveness of fission entire 19 century later, Marx suggested by fission of high-risk period of social capitalism through this high-risk period, but the main thing is imperialist crisis by means of a transfer method. Historically, the 20th century's two world wars, but the internal contradictions of the capitalist system spread worldwide. Here, Marx revealed the propertied and proletarian class antagonism in the global sense, more performance of Western capitalist society and non-Western developed countries, national interests of the community opposition, even in developed capitalist countries, the conflict between the opposition, often based on deprivation, sacrifice and consumption of developed countries is the prerequisite for the interests of Marx fully aware of the power of capitalism to achieve through monetary control over the global system, but from the capitalist countries the possibility of revolution, Marx once held too optimistic. In fact, Marx is presented an extreme form and show the world the revolutionary significance in the specific historical evolution, such a revolution is actually a comprehensive style shown.

Therefore, from the modern-style liberal individualism of contemporary society to the intervention conditions emphasized the diversity of cultural values ​​of the neo-liberal transformation process, with Marxist political philosophy has a direct involvement of the traditional relationship with the Marx contemporary European society, is Enlightenment liberalism in the results after the age of Condorcet in France, Tocqueville, Constant, Guizot, in Germany Goethe, Humboldt, and Schiller, in the UK and later with Adam Smith Spencer, Mill, it is these people achieved a brilliant classical liberalism in Europe. This is the traditional influence of Marxism in Marx, the logical starting point to express their revolution is precisely the liberal tradition, and Marx In the young student, and <<Rheinische Zeitung>> period, the main liberal political orientation that is in large part, the Marxist political philosophy itself from the European classical liberal tradition growing out of the Marx of the Haig Erzhe science and the philosophy of Feuerbach absorption, digestion and criticism, at least for the young Marx, is braced with a lot of liberal elements, but times change and the change in Marx's critique of keen insight and , and the historical practice of social involvement and leading thought, but also greatly affected the liberal tradition, and even to some extent, witnessed and contributed to the decline of the classical liberal tradition. Marxist from liberal to socialist transformation took place in 1844-1845, is writing his masterpiece in 1845 <<The German Ideology "and 1848 <<The Communist Manifesto>>. The book is announced by the demise of classical liberalism, and the entire social thought toward a more social and psychological roots of consciousness and the socialist movement. Hayek's judgments are based on this: in 1848, after , "the liberal movement in France, like most Western and Central regions, with the democratic movement forged a closer alliance," and, "in the second half of this century, it was largely democratic movement and replaced by the emerging socialist movement. "Since then, according to Hayek's view, liberalism is no longer as in the classical era of social and political life as play an important role in the early 20th century political ideas of socialism and conservatism is mainly and, "The most important thing is socialism, especially in the large number of intellectuals in public opinion, it replaced the liberal position as a progressive movement." Wallerstein and Abu Del Mar in accordance with the views of Lake, in fact, Marxism is the most developed in Western culture where the so-called "three continents" in the thinking out, and therefore there have been two of Marx, a "new liberal, 'science', which is the Western theorists of Marxism" The other is as a "'man behind the' students, historicism and Marxist scholars", and arising out of the Third World, "will express its own, from the world in which they live the kind generated version of Marxism ", was seen as dependent on imperialism fact, the difference has nothing to do with the times a" scholar of Marx ", and make the modernization of Marx, but also arranged precisely Marxism associated with the nature of the contemporary world. Wo Wallerstein also given the nature of the West of Marx, and thus the value of the exclusion of Third World Marxism obtained through recourse to an independent nation and national significance. In fact, in the critique of modern Western capitalism in the form of Marxist political philosophy, is open to the third world, and, in the formation of the Third World Marxist political philosophy, must be based on its national stand, and imperialism compete with its own independent national consciousness, political philosophy and the human care and practice patterns required to generate a Marxist. the actual situation as well. Marxism is not subordinate to the scattered neo-liberal ideology, but a liberal and completely different tradition, with modern consciousness of the new tradition of political philosophy.

Marxist political philosophy of classical liberalism grow up and form a critical history of the independence of form. Classical liberal tradition has two points: economic liberalization and the constitutional freedom of classical liberalism has always been within the scope of the problem in the bourgeois At the same time the bourgeois political outlook again direct the whole of Europe as a political concept as well as in human. Thus, the classical liberalism on the one hand by strengthening political structures to consolidate and enjoy the results of economic liberalization, on the other hand in continue to make the problem theoretically theoretical, abstract and even mystical (in the sense of mystery once again trying to revive religious traditions). Marx saw exactly this situation, he not only requires the analysis of economic activity itself, and requires the analysis of economic activity can not be limited to the economic facts, but to consider this fact of political relations background behind his critique of political economy is actually carried out is required to grasp the political and economic activities within the association, thus promoting real social change Marx profound insight into the economic liberalization of classical liberalism and the constitutional freedom to associate the secret is to maintain the capitalist system of private ownership of the legality, but it was the era in which property owners with a high degree of differentiation and proletarian sharp conflict, precisely in removing the legitimacy, and deprived of the classical liberal humanistic ideals set, so the actual Marxist revolutionary movement required by the end of the legitimacy of capitalism, but Marx asked to re-determine the liberal in him to, in essence, is to determine the capitalist liberal individualism inevitable doctrine for a new community (communism) and replaced by socialism, which also involves the values ​​of the revolution. In fact, classical liberalism contains a kind of deep-rooted tradition of Europe (Eurocentric universalism and colonialism is the cultural basis of political science), a direct extension of this tradition to the United States founded on the cultural heritage, the so-called Anglo-Saxon tradition (but Tocqueville explained edge of the United States in the European tradition of modern liberal political culture of genes). Eurocentrism in fact the beginning of early capitalism and classical liberalism, globalization and popular cultural reasons, but this time also must be Eurocentric burst era of non-Western countries and the demands of the nation's modern European ideas need to find a way to the West of the separate nature and human thought, and this distinction from the ideological position - standing on the interests of the nation vulnerable position of. Marxism is such a resource. Marx's concern of modern Europe, but he is included in the vision of globalization that is within human nature to consider the issue of Europe, where he is sure of the object, but also criticism and rejection of The object class analysis of Marx's theory, in the context of globalization and transformation for the direct generation of vulnerable countries and peoples of the modern demands of the active support and response. This is a non-Marxist West, to accept the profound social and political background and the Marxist theory of class analysis, with more realistic than the classical liberal values ​​for most of them in the bottom of society, has been in the situation of the proletarians ordinary citizens, free first floor living problems are met in this sense, together with classical liberalism and capitalist values, including the institutional system itself needs to be radically changed. Thus, the practice advocated by Marx materialism and communist ideas, more realistic hit the revolutionary theory of needs in terms of more classical liberalism, Marxist political philosophy more Links to free download http://eng.hi138.com
play a social influence and infiltration. Thus, after Marx's modern society, community and socialism for a long period of time has much stronger words than liberal advantage in the contemporary social, political democracy has become increasingly conscious of human requirements, such a situation, obviously with special emphasis on Marx's theory of human liberation profoundly tied together.

Western Marxism is the political tradition of Marxism grow up. This is for a holistic understanding of the importance of Western Marxism of Marx before the year .1845, with a liberal philosophy and political views, <<<Hegel philosophical criticism> Introduction>> and <<On the Jewish question>> can be read from the liberal tradition, and <<Paris Manuscripts "also embodies the ideal of liberal philosophy of the West's growing point of Marxism, but also with Marx's early writings fit, but that does not mean that Marx and Marxism are integrated into the Western liberal tradition .1845 before and after Marx has experienced so much a philosophical shift, it is more stable in the formation of a Marxist Philosophy and political outlook process, the absorption into the liberal political tradition beneficial ingredients. This idea has been brewing even in its first two years of the so-called early writings, we know that <<<Critique of Hegel's Philosophy> Introduction> > The theme is to reveal the nature of capitalism, civil society, <<On the Jewish Question "is the theme of political liberation and human liberation reveal the historical association <<Paris Manuscripts" in the tradition of liberal political philosophy with the fit of the humanitarian , it is a critique of political economy reflected in the overall framework, therefore, too much emphasis on Marx's own thinking before and after the break, appears to be stripped off from humanitarian Marxist tradition, in fact, is the political philosophy of Marxism and Freedom tradition of political philosophy completely separated. This practice is only to respond to the contemporary Western society, the decline of the liberal political tradition, once the reality of .20 at the peak before the 1960s trend of Western Marxism, liberalism, although it also affirmed useful elements, but also to the pursuit of a liberal political system is different from the Marxist political philosophy of universal significance. In fact, it is the command of the Western political philosophy, Marxism, and in different forms of Western Marxism constitute a general platform for dialogue .60 years later, Habermas retracement or "right" turn, but the Western Marxist tradition of political philosophy for the contemporary revival of "active" response. However, in an essentially belongs to the revival of liberal political philosophy, the people of the Marxist tradition of political philosophy were too many negative evaluation, so that Western Marxism itself into the plight of the so-called end of the West by the gloom of Marxism decline, even witnessed the revival of contemporary political philosophy! It is precisely this shift in itself worthy of further reflection.
Three Marxist class analysis to focus on political philosophy and theory of social revolution is characterized, and to produce in more than a century the history of the world-wide impact, however, the significance of Marxist political philosophy can not be limited to the assessment, for The theory of class struggle and revolutionary understanding of the history can not be confined to the established framework. Generally accepted that the 1970s rise of liberal political philosophy and the subsequent revival of neo-conservative political philosophy is based on more than a century of Marxist political philosophy and political life of 20th century reflection. Marxist political philosophy does need to reflect appeared nearly a century of totalitarian human factors, including the emergence of Marxist totalitarian movement deep reflection, but that does not mean that modern totalitarianism attributed to Marxism as a philosophical reflection on the views of the field , the pursuit of political philosophy never be perfect - it is the concept of the world too, so no need to beautify the Marxist political philosophy, and the need for traditional Marxist political philosophy, especially the revival in the context of contemporary political philosophy, political philosophy of Marxism traditional and contemporary with a basic estimate.

The rise of liberal political philosophy is beginning to respond to Marxist political philosophy, but only in the non-rationalist thought of the sense and the public positioning of Marxism. This kind of Marxist "kill" mode gives a strong impression that challenge the traditional thinking of all the European political ideas of Marxism does not belong to the mainstream of Western political philosophy, which has experienced structural adjustment and changes in contemporary capitalist society, in fact, has been selected out, as if history through some of Marxism " toss "back to the existing track - this is the so-called end of history Fukuyama's main tone, but even this assumption does not mean that liberalism can be successful" recovery of lost territory ", because in the opposite of liberalism, but there is a "new" rival - the new conservatism. contemporary liberal focus more on the conservative critique of the new fact, in the last two decades in the contest with conservatism, liberalism discourse has gradually lost its edge.

Neo-liberal differences concern the principle of economic and distributive justice issues that still need to include criticism of Marxist political economy discussed within the framework of Economic and distributive justice issues, clearly established institutional arrangements not only in the specific issues under It involves the legality of the system itself. First, neo-liberalism is always the state intervention in economic activities as a prerequisite condition, in fact, the direct purpose of this intervention but the macro-control, is the capital expansion needs, followed by the issue of distributive justice. As mentioned earlier, state intervention or state capitalism, the establishment of modern capitalism, the capitalist response to Marx's early critique of the system of private ownership of the initiative to make changes, but this neo-liberal a change in the product. Moreover, neo-liberalism more realistic response to the modern social structure and complexity of the problem, but the Marxist tradition of political philosophy itself still requires questioned the legitimacy of state intervention in the second, to see state intervention to be built on a wider range of control and even the world market in the world over control of the target, so-called solution to the problem of distributive justice is in fact outside of the system solution. liberalism to an established political system and man-made look as is the essential premise of its argument, apparently ignoring the "outside the system" power. Thus, once the external forces clear political mission and its requirements, it solves the problem of the basic framework of justice will be directly shaken, and it so-called value proposition is even more diverse visual display its signs of the U.S. forces around the globe shake, is the decline of liberal political philosophy background. The new conservatism into the mainstream of American political ideology, it is also the new U.S. imperialism's strategic needs. Power is essentially a neo-conservative philosophy.

But the pursuit of neo-conservatism Plato an Aristotle of ancient Greece, the classical tradition of political community, and its style is the ideal practice of the Roman Empire. The United States has great importance to the present era of neo-conservatism, with its esteem of the Roman Empire has a direct relationship. In fact, the conservative revival of the cultural background, advocates reject and resist a variety of cultural and ideological trends of modernity. Strauss strong anti-modern stance, from his early phenomenological training, including strongly influenced by Heidegger and Nietzsche in the ideological lineage of anti-modernism by the profound impact of his highly recognized Schmitt's political philosophy in his view, the modern Enlightenment's past and present dispute, the core is not progressive / backward, but the good / bad, is essentially a moral issue, and not classical ethics in the modern political system has been basically carrying out his three stages of modernity emerging from the study一个结论:整个现代性的推进过程,正是道德从社会政治体系中被离弃,乃至清除伦理学的过程.在他看来,马基雅维利、霍布斯、洛克形成的第一期现代性,主题是非道德性的政治观(进步逻辑),卢梭、康德、黑格尔以及马克思形成的第二期现代性,主题是非道德的历史观念(历史逻辑),而尼采与海德格尔的第三期现代性则是通过强化个体主义从而排斥伦理学对政治生活的介入(历史主义).这里包含着对近代以来政治哲学弱化的历史反思,因而与当代自由主义政治哲学之兴起相关.但施特劳斯所批评的恰恰就是在现代性过程中美德观念逐渐淡出的自由主义传统.施特劳斯对自由主义传统的批判,同时也包含着对马克思主义传统的批判.在他的分析框架中,作为第二期现代性的终结者,马克思同时也代表了现代自由主义的一维.自由主义必然包含着"追求完美社会"的形而上学追求,马克思主义及社会主义实践则是这样一种形而上追求的实践形式,而斯大林主义与纳粹主义则是表达这种实践诉求的极端形式.

施特劳斯彻底的反现代性立场(对自由主义的批评不过是施特劳斯反现代性立场的一个副产品)是十分显眼的,而且看来比尼采与海德格尔走得更远.在施特劳斯看来,与马基雅维利等前辈一样,尼采与海德格尔同样也是现代性的"共谋者",都是在延续自启蒙时代以来就十分盛行的"知性真诚".在施特劳斯的现代性分期批判中,马克思是第二个分期的最后一人,马克思意味着历史逻辑与历史观念的终结,意味着自卢梭以来尤其是在康德黑格尔那里强化的世界历史逻辑的终结.海德格尔曾把马克思看成是近代哲学的一种,这一通常只在知识论视域被考虑因而多少令人困惑的问题,正是通过施特劳斯显示出其历史与政治哲学背景,从而透出了其真实的谜底.而保守主义政治哲学对马克思政治哲学的基本误解,恰恰也是在这一层面上发生的.转贴于 免费论文下载中心 http://eng.hi138.com
新保守主义显然是要彻底地告别自由主义.施特劳斯所说的自由主义,是一种理想主义乃至于人文主义,由此也就把马克思主义看成了自由主义之一种.这种想法并非没有道理,后来麦金泰尔就把马克思主义(早年马克思)看成是个人主义的辩护形式,并把马克思后来对实证方法的强调看成是他无法面对正义问题的一个证据.问题在于,马克思主义的论域不仅超出了自由主义和保守主义,而且与二者有着本质的区别.完全可以倒过来提问:即使在当代社会现实中,是否有理由将经济与政治问题区分开来?一旦将政治问题还原为道德问题,是否能够真正解决现代社会的公正问题?当施特劳斯将解决问题的所有努力都回溯到古希腊传统时,可以断定,在他看来,基于现实本身已不可能解决这些问题.在这一意义上,新保守主义的确给人们提供了一副逃避现实的迷幻剂,然而,它实际的文化目标乃是保护美国的既得利益与强权地位.施特劳斯对古典传统的强调,是要赋予古典时代国家权力结构及运作方式以合法性,但他同样反对古希腊哲学家关于人是理性动物的判断,转而推崇卢梭与霍布斯关于"意志决定人性"的观点.在施特劳斯看来,霍布斯对理性人的反叛,是主权国家理论的基石."与理性主义的决裂,是主权这个概念的决定性前提,也是用'权利'取代'法',用权利诉求的优先地位取代责任义务的优先地位的决定性前提."我们知道,启蒙运动是欧洲文化传统理性主义的延续,并且取得了一种近代式的普遍主义效应,但是,在这一逻辑中,主权是服从于理性的,而施特劳斯强调的则是国家意志.用国家意志取代普遍理性,这实际上为美国摆脱欧洲理性主义的政治链系并获得自身的主权地位提供了论证.

新保守主义主张的强权哲学,虽然一直在谋求国家哲学的地位,但一直没有取得突破."9·11"事件为新保守主义的崛起提供了口实和机会.按照新保守主义者比尔·克里斯托的分析,"9·11"事件发生后,布什政府"发疯似地要寻找一种新的对外政策,而我们老早就准备好了这一政策的原始教义".另一位新保守主义者默拉齐克也承认:"如果没有'9·11',我们永远不会获得今天这样大的影响力."实际上,如果一定要考虑其实践后果的话,新保守主义的政治哲学主张,在哲学水准、政治效能以及伦理学后果等层面,恰恰与它所反对的恐怖主义哲学同类.在这个意义上,中国学术界对施米特和施特劳斯的追捧是值得反思的.施米特与施特劳斯政治哲学所强调的语境,恰恰是一种原始的和冲突型的政治关系状态.这样一种状态,在以协调为主题的现代社会通常被忽略了,但经常也会有脱离常规的情形,这种情况就是施米特与施特劳斯政治哲学的市场."在国家稳定性和国家权力的权威遭到危机时,在法律制度和主权者关系暧昧、法治和人治发生冲突时,在国家对社会的全能政治控制受到动摇时,施米特的'例外状态'、'主权者'、'决断'、'敌我区分'等概念就时不时受到某些政治势力的青睐,在思想界也往往会引起一些有关的争论.现代民主政治的国家一社会关系以不确定性为其根本特征,不同时期中会反复出现不同形式的国家一社会紧张关系,人们本不一定非要知道施米特才能讨论这些问题,但是,如果他们知道施米特,而又用他的眼光去看待这些问题时,就一定会感觉到施米特的存在."中国学术界的施米特一施特劳斯热,一方面反映出人们对美国政治哲学思潮的敏感与追逐——在这种政治观念认同的背后,的确存在着来自于中国政治文化传统的原因,另一方面,由于施米特与施特劳斯的保守主义政治哲学对分析和解释全球化时代的政治问题本身也提供了一种特有的视角,很多人也就此认定当下中国本身就适合于实践施米特一施特劳斯主义.但这显然忽视了捧热施米特一施特劳斯政治哲学的新保守主义的帝国主义本质.如果依据政治哲学本身的政治意向来考察政治哲学,人们或许就不会那么轻易地相信保守主义政治哲学许多诱人的主张了.

马克思政治哲学有两个基本向度:一是由阶级分析理论支撑起来的政治解放.在这一维度上,马克思强调基于经济政治关系展开对人的社会关系的区分,包括个体、群际、区域、民族以及国家的区分.对马克思而言,阶级区分的立场指向是弱势主体.并且,对于弱势主体的权力诉求,马克思不是诉诸道德伦理,而是强调奠定在经济关系之上的阶级解放以及一个新的公正社会结构的建立.在此,决定马克思政治哲学程序合法性的,并不是自由主义与保守主义争论不休的善与权利谁优先的问题,而是所有人民是否能够获得一种公正底限的社会关系及政治结构,这才是正义问题的实质所在.二是政治解放必然要通向人类解放.从形式上看,政治哲学在整个马克思哲学中居于十分重要的地位,但是,从内容上看,马克思的政治哲学又是服从于整个人类解放的哲学理念的.在他那里,政治解放只是中介,人类解放才是目的,马克思的政治哲学是服从于其总体的哲学人类学的(在马克思哲学中,政治哲学不可能是所谓"第一哲学").这也提示出马克思政治哲学基本的历史哲学前提,就是建立在其实践观与唯物史观之上的基本的现代性及历史进步观念.

把握马克思主义政治哲学的现代性十分重要,这是马克思与新保守主义的根本区别.马克思明确表述的历史进步思想,在施特劳斯的理论中是作为典型的"进步逻辑"与"历史逻辑"而加以批判的.在强化自身的保守主义思想方面,施特劳斯的确恶意地利用了柯耶夫的思想.柯耶夫依据黑格尔"主奴辩证法"的思想,提出被剥夺者应当起来抗争,颠覆社会结构,并且建立一种"普遍且均质的国家"(the universal and homogeneous state).而在施特劳斯看来,这正是现代性的极致类型,因而必然是自身否定的类型.对柯耶夫思想的反讽似乎直接得出了施特劳斯自身政治理论的"绝对正确".实际上,借对柯耶夫的否定,施特劳斯同时也否定了马克思的阶级分析理论及其历史成果(从这里人们看到了20世纪福山之所谓"历史终结论"的历史脉络).但这不仅把马克思的阶级分析理论简单化了,也把马克思主义的历史过程简单化了.对马克思主义政治哲学而言,阶级分析理论及政治解放必然是其人类解放论的具体化,而人类解放将始终是一个历史过程,它本身不可能终结.就这一意义而言,关键在于是否对历史以及现代性社会持有一种基本的信念与信任.

施特劳斯全盘否定现代性是基于他对现代性的根本诊断:现代性的病根就是虚无主义.在他看来,现代性从进步观到历史观再到历史主义的演进,最终必然导致极端的历史主义与虚无主义.海德格尔曾认为,马克思的唯物史观以及世界历史时代理论"将虚无主义推向了极限",施特劳斯则认为,人的世界对神的世界的彻底取代必然导致"极端的虚无主义"(radical nihilism).施特劳斯的这一批评显然是针对马克思以及共产主义运动的.问题在于,施特劳斯彻底的反现代性立场本身不就是彻头彻尾的虚无主义吗?历史的起点是过去,其目标则是未来,这是通过对现在的肯定达到的,因此,启蒙理性的基本立场需要得到确证.如果直接否定现在,而把历史的全部基础确定为过去,这样一种复古主义只能意味着理性的失败,如果一个时代都接受了复古主义,则是这一时代的失败.在这一意义上,马克思唯物史观所蕴涵的视域,其实超出了这一仍处于过渡性并呈现出各种疲态与病态的现时代.

由此,根本性的问题呈现出来了.新保守主义所谓的"古今之争"的确重要,但出路并不在于全盘复古,更不是朝向古希腊并且只允许某些民族朝向古希腊传统,而在于促进古典传统、包括古典政治传统的创造性转换——这不仅是西方,也是全人类各民族共同面临的历史课题.自由主义倡导的个人自由固然重要,并且始终是社会发展的形而上维度,但如果不能确立一种公共性,不能从每个人的自由发展导向所有人的自由发展,那么,这种自由主义仍然是有待克服和完成的"自由"主义.马克思主义政治哲学传统也需要结合这一时代发生的重大变化,发挥其传统优势,总结并反思自身的历史经验及教训,积极展开与当代政治哲学的对话,汲取其合理的理论成果,开掘和拓展马克思主义政治哲学的当代性.而且,通过马克思主义政治哲学传统的中国化从而完成中国政治传统的当代转化,本身也是当代中国马克思主义政治哲学面临的时代课题.转贴于 免费论文下载中心 http://eng.hi138.com

Political Philosophy Papers